Marion is an Encyclopedia of Earth student intern. She is a senior Chemistry student at The University of Toledo with a focus in environmental science. If you wish to contact her in reference to one of her articles she can be reached at marion.coon@rockets.utoledo.edu.
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Originally Published As:
Title: Energy and Economic Myths
Author: Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen
Source: Southern Economic Journal, volume 41, no. 3
Year published: 1975
EDITOR'S NOTE: The Hungarian-born mathematician and economist Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen was the first to formally demonstrate the thermodynamic foundations of the economic process. He had a profound influence on leading alternative economic theorists such as Herman Daly, one of the founders of the field of ecological economics.
Hardly anyone would nowadays openly profess a belief in the immortality of mankind. Yet many of us prefer not to exclude this possibility; to this end, we endeavor to impugn any factor that could limit mankind's life. The most natural rallying idea is that mankind's entropic dowry is virtually inexhaustible, primarily because of man's inherent power to defeat the Entropy Law in some way or another.
To begin with, there is the simple argument that, just as has happened with many natural laws, the laws on which the finiteness of accessible resources rests will be refuted in turn. The difficulty of this historical argument is that history proves with even greater force, first, that in a finite space there can be only a finite amount of low entropy and, second, that low entropy continuously and irrevocably dwindles away. The impossibility of perpetual motion (of both kinds) is as firmly anchored in history as the law of gravitation.
More sophisticated weapons have been forged by the statistical interpretation of thermodynamic phenomena – an endeavor to reestablish the supremacy of mechanics propped up this time by a sui generis notion of probability. According to this interpretation, the reversibility of high into low entropy is only a highly improbable, not a totally impossible event. And since the event is possible, we should be able by an ingenious device to cause the event to happen as often as we please, just as an adroit sharper may throw a "six" almost at will. The argument only brings to the surface the irreducible contradictions and fallacies packed into the foundations of the statistical interpretation by the worshipers of mechanics.[1] The hopes raised by this interpretation were so sanguine at one time that P W Bridgman, an authority on thermodynamics, felt it necessary to write an article just to expose the fallacy of the idea that one may fill one's pockets with money by "bootlegging entropy".[2]
Occasionally and sotto voce some express the hope, once fostered by a scientific authority such as John von Neumann, that man will eventually discover how to make energy a free good, "just like the unmetered air".[3] Some envision a "catalyst" by which to decompose, for example, the sea water into oxygen and hydrogen, the combustion of which will yield as much available energy as we would want. But the analogy with the small ember which sets a whole log on fire is unavailing. The entropy of the log and the oxygen used in the combustion is lower than that of the resulting ashes and smoke, whereas the entropy of water is higher than that of the oxygen and hydrogen after decomposition. Therefore, the miraculous catalyst also implies entropy bootlegging.[4]
With the notion, now propagated from one syndicated column to another, that the breeder reactor produces more energy than it consumes, the fallacy of entropy bootlegging seems to have reached its greatest currency even among the large circles of literati, including economists. Unfortunately, the illusion feeds on misconceived sales talk by some nuclear experts who extol the reactors which transform fertile but nonfissionable material into fissionable fuel as the breeders that "produce more fuel than they consume".[5] The stark truth is that the breeder is in no way different from a plant which produces hammers with the aid of some hammers. According to the deficit principle of the Entropy Law ... even in breeding chickens a greater amount of low entropy is consumed than is contained in the product.[6]
Apparently in defense of the standard vision of the economic process, economists have set forth themes of their own. We may mention first the argument that "the notion of an absolute limit to natural resource availability is untenable when the definition of resources changes drastically and unpredictably over time ... A limit may exist, but it can be neither defined nor specified in economic terms".[7] We also read that there is no upper limit even for arable land because "arable is infinitely indefinable".[8] The sophistry of these arguments is flagrant. No one would deny that we cannot say exactly how much coal, for example, is accessible. Estimates of natural resources have constantly been shown to be too low. Also, the point that metals contained in the top mile of the earth's crust may be a million times as much as the present known reserves[9] does not prove the inexhaustibility of resources, but, characteristically, it ignores both the issues of accessibility and disposability.[10] Whatever resources or arable land we may need at one time or another, they will consist of accessible low entropy and accessible land. And since all kinds together are in finite amount, no taxonomic switch can do away with that finiteness.
The favorite thesis of standard and Marxist economists alike, however, is that the power of technology is without limits.[11] We will always be able not only to find a substitute for a resource which has become scarce, but also to increase the productivity of any kind of energy and material. Should we run out of some resources, we will always think up something, just as we have continuously done since the time of Pericles.[12] Nothing, therefore, could ever stand in the way of an increasingly happier existence of the human species. One can hardly think of a more blunt form of linear thinking. By the same logic, no healthy young human should ever become afflicted with rheumatism or any other old-age ailments; nor should he ever die. Dinosaurs, just before they disappeared from this very same planet, had behind them not less than one hundred and fifty million years of truly prosperous existence. (And they did not pollute environment with industrial waste!) But the logic to be truly savored is Solo's.[13] If entropic degradation is to bring mankind to its knees sometime in the future, it should have done so sometime after AD 1000. The old truth of Seigneur de La Palice has never been turned around – and in such a delightful form.[14]
In support of the same thesis, there also are arguments directly pertaining to its substance. First, there is the assertion that only a few kinds of resources are "so resistant to technological advance as to be incapable of eventually yielding extractive products at constant or declining cost".[15] More recently, some have come out with a specific law which, in a way, is the contrary of Malthus's law concerning resources. The idea is that technology improves exponentially.[16] The superficial justification is that one technological advance induces another. This is true, only it does not work cumulatively as in population growth. And it is terribly wrong to argue, as Maddox does,[17] that to insist on the existence of a limit to technology means to deny man's power to influence progress. Even if technology continues to progress, it will not necessary exceed any limit; an increasing sequence may have an upper limit. In the case of technology this limit is set by the theoretical coefficient of efficiency ... If progress were indeed exponential, then the input i per unit of output would follow in time the law i = i0(1 + r) - t and would constantly approach zero. Production would ultimately become incorporeal and the earth a new Garden of Eden.
Finally, there is the thesis which may be called the fallacy of endless substitution: "Few components of the earth's crust, including farm land, are so specific as to defy economic replacement; ... nature imposes particular scarcities, not an inescapable general scarcity".[18] Bray's protest notwithstanding,[19] this is "an economist's conjuring trick". True, there are only a few "vitamin" elements which play a totally specific role such as phosphorus plays in living organisms. Aluminum, on the other hand, has replaced iron and copper in many, although not in all uses.[20] However, substitution within a finite stock of accessible low entropy whose irrevocable degradation is speeded up through use cannot possibly go on forever.
In Solow's hands, substitution becomes the key factor that supports technological progress even as resources become increasingly scarce. There will be, first, a substitution within the spectrum of consumer goods. With prices reacting to increasing scarcity, consumers will buy "fewer resource-intensive goods and more of other things".[21] More recently, he extended the same idea to production, too. We may, he argues, substitute "other factors for natural resources".[22] One must have a very erroneous view of the economic process as a whole not to see that there are no material factors other than natural resources. To maintain further that "the world can, in effect, get along without natural resources" is to ignore the difference between the actual world and the Garden of Eden.
More impressive are the statistical data invoked in support of some of the foregoing theses. The data adduced by Solow[23] show that in the United States between 1950 and 1970 the consumption of a series of mineral elements per unit of GNP decreased substantially. The exceptions were attributed to substitution but were expected to get in line sooner or later. In strict logic, the data do not prove that during the same period technology necessarily progressed to a greater economy of resources. The GNP may increase more than any input of minerals even if technology remains the same, or even if it deteriorates. But we also know that during practically the same period, 1947-1967, the consumption per capita of basic materials increased in the United States. And in the world, during only one decade, 1957-1967, the consumption of steel per capita grew by 44 percent.[24] What matters in the end is not only the impact of technological progress on the consumption of resources per unit of GNP, but especially the increase in the rate of resource depletion, which is a side effect of that progress.
Still more impressive – as they have actually proved to be – are the data used by Barnett and Morse to show that, from 1870 to 1957, the ratios of labor and capital costs to net output decreased appreciably in agriculture and mining, both critical sectors as concerns depletion of resources.[25] In spite of some arithmetical incongruities,[26] the picture emerging from these data cannot be repudiated. Only its interpretation must be corrected.
For the environmental problem it is essential to understand the typical forms in which technological progress may occur. A first group includes the economy innovations, which achieve a net economy of low entropy – be it by a more complete combustion, by decreasing friction, by deriving a more intensive light from gas or electricity, by substituting materials costing less in energy for others costing more, and so on. Under this heading we should also include the discovery of how to use new kinds of accessible low entropy. A second group consists of substitution innovations, which simply substitute physicochemical energy for human energy. A good illustration is the innovation of gunpowder, which did away with the catapult. Such innovations generally enable us not only to do things better but also (and especially) to do things which could not be done before – to fly in airplanes, for example. Finally, there are the spectrum innovations, which bring into existence new consumer goods, such as the hat, nylon stockings, et cetera. Most of the innovations of this group are at the same time substitution innovations. In fact, most innovations belong to more than one category. But the classification serves analytical purposes.
Now, economic history confirms a rather elementary fact – the fact that the great strides in technological progress have generally been touched off by a discovery of how to use a new kind of accessible energy. On the other hand, a great stride in technological progress cannot materialize unless the corresponding innovation is followed by a great mineralogical expansion. Even a substantial increase in the efficiency of the use of gasoline as fuel would pale in comparison with a manifold increase of the known, rich oil fields.
This sort of expansion is what has happened during the last one hundred years. We have struck oil and discovered new coal and gas deposits in a far greater proportion than we could use during the same period. Still more important, all mineralogical discoveries have included a substantial proportion of easily accessible resources. This exceptional bonanza by itself has sufficed to lower the real cost of bringing mineral resources in situ to the surface. Energy of mineral source thus becoming cheaper, substitution innovations have caused the ratio of labor to net output to decline. Capital also must have evolved toward forms which cost less but use more energy to achieve the same result. What has happened during this period is a modification of the cost structure, the flow factors being increased and the fund factors decreased.[27] By examining, therefore, only the relative variations of the fund factors during a period of exceptional mineral bonanza, we cannot prove either that the unitary total cost will always follow a declining trend or that the continuous progress of technology renders accessible resources almost inexhaustible – as Barnett and Morse claim.[28]
Little doubt is thus left about the fact that the theses examined in this section are anchored in a deep-lying belief in mankind's immortality. Some of their defenders have even urged us to have faith in the human species: such faith will triumph over all limitations.[29] But neither faith nor assurance from some famous academic chair[30] could alter the fact that, according to the basic law of thermodynamics, mankind's dowry is finite. Even if one were inclined to believe in the possible refutation of these principles in the future, one still must not act on that faith now. We must take into account that evolution does not consist of a linear repetition, even though over short intervals it may fool us into the contrary belief.
A great deal of confusion about the environmental problem prevails not only among economists generally (as evidenced by the numerous cases already cited), but also among the highest intellectual circles simply because the sheer entropic nature of all happenings is ignored or misunderstood. Sir Macfarlane Burnet, a Nobelite, in a special lecture considered it imperative "to prevent the progressive destruction of the earth's irreplaceable resources".[31]
And a prestigious institution such as the United Nations, in its Declaration on the Human Environment (Stockholm, 1972), repeatedly urged everyone "to improve the environment". Both urgings reflect the fallacy that man can reverse the march of entropy. The truth, however unpleasant, is that the most we can do is to prevent any unnecessary depletion of resources and any unnecessary deterioration of the environment, but without claiming that we know the precise meaning of "unnecessary" in this context.
The Steady State: A Topical Mirage
Malthus, as we know, was criticized primarily because he assumed that population and resources grow according to some simple mathematical laws. But this criticism did not touch the real error of Malthus (which has apparently remained unnoticed). This error is the implicit assumption that population may grow beyond any limit both in number and time provided that it does not grow too rapidly.[32] An essentially similar error has been committed by the authors of The Limits, by the authors of the non-mathematical yet more articulate "Blueprint for Survival", as well as by several earlier writers. Because, like Malthus, they were set exclusively on proving the impossibility of growth, they were easily deluded by a simple, now widespread, but false syllogism: since exponential growth in a finite world leads to disasters of all kinds, ecological salvation lies in the stationary state.[33] H Daly even claims that "the stationary state economy is, therefore, a necessity".[34]
This vision of a blissful world in which both population and capital stock remain constant, once expounded with his usual skill by John Stuart Mill,[35] was until recently in oblivion.[36] Because of the spectacular revival of this myth of ecological salvation, it is well to point out its various logical and factual snags. The crucial error consists in not seeing that not only growth, but also a zero-growth state, nay, even a declining state which does not converge toward annihilation, cannot exist forever in a finite environment. The error perhaps stems from some confusion between finite stock and finite flow rate, as the incongruous dimensionalities of several graphs suggest.[37] And contrary to what some advocates of the stationary state claim,[38] this state does not occupy a privileged position vis-a-vis physical laws.
To get to the core of the problem, let S denote the actual amount of accessible resources in the crust of the earth. Let Pi and si be the population and the amount of depleted resources per person in the year i. Let the "amount of total life", measured in years of life, be defined by [formula omitted], from i = 0 to i = 0o. S sets an upper limit for L through the obvious constraint [formula omitted]. For although si is a historical variable, it cannot be zero or even negligible (unless mankind reverts sometime to a berry-picking economy). Therefore, P = 0 for i greater than some finite n, and Pi > 0 otherwise. That value of n is the maximum duration of the human species.[39]
The earth also has a so-called carrying capacity, which depends on a complex of factors, including the size of si.[40] This capacity sets a limit on any single Pi. But this limit does not render the other limits, of L and n, superfluous. It is therefore inexact to argue – as the Meadows group seems to do[41] – that the stationary state can go on forever as long as Pi does not exceed that capacity. The proponents of salvation through the stationary state must admit that such a state can have only a finite duration – unless they are willing to join the "No Limit" Club by maintaining that S is inexhaustible or almost so – as the Meadows group does in fact.[42] Alternatively, they must explain the puzzle of how a whole economy, stationary for a long era, all of a sudden comes to an end.
Apparently, the advocates of the stationary state equate it with an open thermodynamic steady state. This state consists of an open macrosystem which maintains its entropic structure constant through material exchanges with its "environment". As one would immediately guess, the concept constitutes a highly useful tool for the study of biological organisms. We must, however, observe that the concept rests on some special conditions introduced by L Onsager.[43] These conditions are so delicate (they are called the principle of detailed balance) that in actuality they can hold only "within a deviation of a few percent".[44] For this reason, a steady state may exist in fact only in an approximated manner and over a finite duration. This impossibility of a macrosystem not in a state of chaos to be perpetually durable may one day be explicitly recognized by a new thermodynamic law just as the impossibility of perpetual motion once was. Specialists recognize that the present thermodynamic laws do not suffice to explain all nonreversible phenomena, including especially life processes.
Independently of these snags there are simple reasons against believing that mankind can live in a perpetual stationary state. The structure of such a state remains the same throughout; it does not contain in itself the seed of the inexorable death of all open macrosystems. On the other hand, a world with a stationary population would, on the contrary, be continually forced to change its technology as well as its mode of life in response to the inevitable decrease of resource accessibility. Even if we beg the issue of how capital may change qualitatively and still remain constant, we could have to assume that the unpredictable decrease in accessibility will be miraculously compensated by the right innovations at the right time. A stationary world may for a while be interlocked with the changing environment through a system of balancing feedbacks analogous to those of a living organism during one phase of its life. But as Bormann reminded us,[45] the miracle cannot last forever; sooner or later the balancing system will collapse. At that time, the stationary state will enter a crisis, which will defeat its alleged purpose and nature.
One must be cautioned against another logical pitfall, that of invoking the Prigogine principle in support of the stationary state. This principle states that the minimum of the entropy produced by an Onsager type of open thermodynamic system is reached when the system becomes steady.[46] It says nothing about how this last entropy compares with that produced by other open systems.[47]
The usual arguments adduced in favor of the stationary state are, however, of a different, more direct nature. It is, for example, argued that in such a state there is more time for pollution to be reduced by natural processes and for technology to adapt itself to the decrease of resource accessibility.[48] It is plainly true that we could use much more efficiently today the coal we have burned in the past. The rub is that we might not have mastered the present efficient techniques if we had not burned all that coal "inefficiently." The point that in a stationary state people will not have to work additionally to accumulate capital (which in view of what I have said in the last paragraphs is not quite accurate) is related to Mill's claim that people could devote more time to intellectual activities. "The trampling, crushing, elbowing, and treading on each other's heel" will cease.[49] History, however, offers multiple examples – the Middle Ages, for one – of quasi stationary societies where arts and sciences were practically stagnant. In a stationary state, too, people may be busy in the fields and shops all day long. Whatever the state, free time for intellectual progress depends on the intensity of the pressure of population on resources. Therein lies the main weakness of Mill's vision. Witness the fact that – as Daly explicitly admits[50] – its writ offers no basis for determining even in principle the optimum levels of population and capital. This brings to light the important, yet unnoticed point, that the necessary conclusion of the arguments in favor of that vision is that the most desirable state is not a stationary, but a declining one.
Undoubtedly, the current growth must cease, nay, be reversed. But anyone who believes that he can draw a blueprint for the ecological salvation of the human species does not understand the nature of evolution, or even of history – which is that of permanent struggle in continuously novel forms, not that of a predictable, controllable physico-chemical process, such as boiling an egg or launching a rocket to the moon.
Some Basic Bioeconomics[51]
Apart from a few insignificant exceptions, all species other than man use only endosomatic instruments – as Alfred Lotka proposed to call those instruments (legs, claws, wings, et cetera) which belong to the individual organism by birth. Man alone came, in time, to use a club, which does not belong to him by birth, but which extended his endosomatic arm and increased its power. At that point in time, man's evolution transcended the biological limits to include also (and primarily) the evolution of exosomatic instruments, that is, of instruments produced by man but not belonging to his body.[52] That is why man can now fly in the sky or swim under water even though his body has no wings, no fins, and no gills.
The exosomatic evolution brought down upon the human species two fundamental and irrevocable changes. The first is the irreducible social conflict which characterizes the human species.[53] Indeed, there are other species which also live in society, but which are free from such conflict. The reason is that their "social classes" correspond to some clear-cut biological divisions. The periodic killing of a great part of the drones by the bees is a natural, biological action, not a civil war.
The second change is man's addiction to exosomatic instruments – a phenomenon analogous to that of the flying fish which became addicted to the atmosphere and mutated into birds forever. It is because of this addiction that mankind's survival presents a problem entirely different from that of all other species.[54] It is neither only biological nor only economic. It is bioeconomic. Its broad contours depend on the multiple asymmetries existing among the three sources of low entropy which together constitute mankind's dowry – the free energy received from the sun, on the one hand, and the free energy and the ordered material structures stored in the bowels of the earth, on the other.
The first asymmetry concerns the fact that the terrestrial component is a stock, whereas the solar one is a flow. The difference needs to be well understood.[55] Coal in situ is a stock because we are free to use it all today (conceivably) or over centuries. But at no time can we use any part of a future flow of solar radiation. Moreover, the flow rate of this radiation is wholly beyond our control; it is completely determined by cosmological conditions, including the size of our globe.[56] One generation, whatever it may do, cannot alter the share of solar radiation of any future generation. Because of the priority of the present over the future and the irrevocability of entropic degradation, the opposite is true for the terrestrial shares. These shares are affected by how much of the terrestrial dowry the past generations have consumed.
Second, since no practical procedure is available at human scale for transforming energy into matter ... accessible material low entropy is by far the most critical element from the bioeconomic viewpoint. True, a piece of coal burned by our forefathers is gone forever, just as is part of the silver or iron, for instance, mined by them. Yet future generations will still have their inalienable share of solar energy (which, as we shall see next, is enormous). Hence, they will be able, at least, to use each year an amount of wood equivalent to the annual vegetable growth. For the silver and iron dissipated by the earlier generations there is no similar compensation. This is why in bioeconomics we must emphasize that every Cadillac or every Zim – let alone any instrument of war – means fewer plowshares for some future generations, and implicitly, fewer future human beings, too.[57]
Third, there is an astronomical difference between the amount of the flow of solar energy and the size of the stock of terrestrial free energy. At the cost of a decrease in mass of 131 x 1012 tons, the sun radiates annually 1013 Q – one single Q being equal to 1018 BTU! Of this fantastic flow, only some 5,300 Q are intercepted at the limits of the earth's atmosphere, with roughly one half of that amount being reflected back into outer space. At our own scale, however, even this amount is fantastic; for the total world consumption of energy currently amounts to no more than 0.2 Q annually. From the solar energy that reaches the ground level, photosynthesis absorbs only 1.2 Q. From waterfalls we could obtain at most 0.08 Q, but we are now using only one tenth of that potential. Think also of the additional fact that the sun will continue to shine with practically the same intensity for another five billion years (before becoming a red giant which will raise the earth's temperature to 1,000°F). Undoubtedly, the human species will not survive to benefit from all this abundance.
Passing to the terrestrial dowry, we find that, according to the best estimates, the initial dowry of fossil fuel amounted to only 215 Q. The outstanding recoverable reserves (known and probable) amount to about 200 Q. These reserves, therefore, could produce only two weeks of sunlight on the globe.[58] If their depletion continues to increase at the current pace, these reserves may support man's industrial activity for just a few more decades. Even the reserves of uranium 235 will not last for a longer period if used in the ordinary reactors. Hopes are now set on the breeder reactor, which, with the aid of uranium 235, may "extract" the energy of the fertile but not fissionable elements, uranium 238 and thorium 232. Some experts claim that this source of energy is "essentially inexhaustible".[59] In the United States alone, it is believed, there are large areas covered with black shale and granite which contain 60 grams of natural uranium or thorium per metric ton.[60] On this basis, Weinberg and Hammond[61] have come out with a grand plan. By strip mining and crushing all these rocks, we could obtain enough nuclear fuel for some 32,000 breeder reactors distributed in 4,000 offshore parks and capable of supplying a population of twenty billion for millions of years with twice as much energy per capita as the current consumption rate in the USA. The grand plan is a typical example of linear thinking, according to which all that is needed for the existence of a population, even "considerably larger than twenty billion", is to increase all supplies proportionally.[62] Not that the authors deny that there also are nontechnical issues; only, they play them down with noticeable zeal.[63] The most important issue, of whether a social organization compatible with the density of population and the nuclear manipulation at the grand level can be achieved, is brushed aside by Weinberg as "transscientific".[64] Technicians are prone to forget that due to their own successes, nowadays it may be easier to move the mountain to Mohammed than to induce Mohammed to go to the mountain. For the time being, the snag is far more palpable. As responsible forums openly admit, even one breeder still presents substantial risks of nuclear catastrophes, and the problem of safe transportation of nuclear fuels and especially that of safe storage of the radioactive garbage still await a solution even for a moderate scale of operations.[65]
There remains the physicist's greatest dream, controlled thermonuclear reaction. To constitute a real breakthrough, it must be the deuterium-deuterium reaction, the only one that could open up a formidable source of terrestrial energy for a long era.[66] However, because of the difficulties alluded to earlier ... even the experts working at it do not find reasons for being too hopeful.
For completion, we should also mention the tidal and geothermal energies, which, although not negligible (in all, 0.1 Q per year), can be harnessed only in very limited situations.
The general picture is now clear. The terrestrial energies on which we can rely effectively exist in very small amounts, whereas the use of those which exist in ampler amounts is surrounded by great risks and formidable technical obstacles. On the other hand, there is the immense energy from the sun which reaches us without fail. Its direct use is not yet practiced on a significant scale, the main reason being that the alternative industries are now much more efficient economically. But promising results are coming from various directions.[67] What counts from the bioeconomic viewpoint is that the feasibility of using the sun's energy directly is not surrounded by risks or big question marks; it is a proven fact.
The conclusion is that mankind's entropic dowry presents another important differential scarcity. From the viewpoint of the extreme long run, the terrestrial free energy is far scarcer than that received from the sun. The point exposes the foolishness of the victory cry that we can finally obtain protein from fossil fuels! Sane reason tells us to move in the opposite direction, to convert vegetable stuff into hydrocarbon fuel – an obviously natural line already pursued by several researchers.[68]
Fourth, from the viewpoint of industrial utilization, solar energy has an immense drawback in comparison with energy of terrestrial origin. The latter is available in a concentrated form; in some cases, in a too concentrated form. As a result, it enables us to obtain almost instantaneously enormous amounts of work, most of which could not even be obtained otherwise. By great contrast, the flow of solar energy comes to us with an extremely low intensity, like a very fine rain, almost a microscopic mist. The important difference from true rain is that this radiation rain is not collected naturally into streamlets, then into creeks and rivers, and finally into lakes from where we could use it in a concentrated form, as is the case with waterfalls. Imagine the difficulty one would face if one tried to use directly the kinetic energy of some microscopic rain drops as they fall. The same difficulty presents itself in using solar energy directly (that is, not through the chemical energy of green plants, or the kinetic energy of the wind and waterfalls). But as was emphasized a while ago, the difficulty does not amount to impossibility.[69]
Fifth, solar energy, on the other hand, has a unique and incommensurable advantage. The use of any terrestrial energy produces some noxious pollution, which, moreover, is irreducible and hence cumulative, be it in the form of thermal pollution alone. By contrast, any use of solar energy is pollution-free. For, whether this energy is used or not, its ultimate fate is the same, namely, to become the dissipated heat that maintains the thermodynamic equilibrium between the globe and outer space at a propitious temperature.[70]
The sixth asymmetry involves the elementary fact that the survival of every species on earth depends, directly or indirectly, on solar radiation (in addition to some elements of a superficial environmental layer). Man alone, because of his exosomatic addiction, depends on mineral resources as well. For the use of these resources man competes with no other species; yet his use of them usually endangers many forms of life, including his own. Some species have in fact been brought to the brink of extinction merely because of man's exosomatic needs or his craving for the extravagant. But nothing in nature compares in fierceness with man's competition for solar energy (in its primary or its by-product forms). Man has not deviated one bit from the law of the jungle; if anything, he has made it even more merciless by his sophisticated exosomatic instruments. Man has openly sought to exterminate any species that robs him of his food or feeds on him – wolves, rabbits, weeds, insects, microbes, et cetera.
But this struggle of man with other species for food (in ultimate analysis, for solar energy) has some unobtrusive aspects as well. And, curiously, it is one of these aspects that has some far-reaching consequences in addition to supplying a most instructive refutation of the common belief that every technological innovation constitutes a move in the right direction as concerns the economy of resources. The case pertains to the economy of modern agricultural techniques ...
Justus von Liebig observed that "civilization is the economy of power".[71] At the present hour, the economy of power in all its aspects calls for a turning point. Instead of continuing to be opportunistic in the highest degree and concentrating our research toward finding more economically efficient ways of tapping mineral energies – all in finite supply and all heavy pollutants – we should direct all our efforts toward improving the direct uses of solar energy – the only clean and essentially unlimited source. Already-known techniques should without delay be diffused among all people so that we all may learn from practice and develop the corresponding trade.
An economy based primarily on the flow of solar energy will also do away, though not completely, with the monopoly of the present over future generations, for even such an economy will still need to tap the terrestrial dowry, especially for materials. Technological innovations will certainly have a role in this direction. But it is high time for us to stop emphasizing exclusively – as all platforms have apparently done so far – the increase of supply. Demand can also play a role, an even greater and more efficient one in the ultimate analysis.
It would be foolish to propose a complete renunciation of the industrial comfort of the exosomatic evolution. Mankind will not return to the cave or, rather, to the tree. But there are a few points that may be included in a minimal bioeconomic program.
First, the production of all instruments of war, not only of war itself, should be prohibited completely. It is utterly absurd (and also hypocritical) to continue growing tobacco if, avowedly, no one intends to smoke. The nations which are so developed as to be the main producers of armaments should be able to reach a consensus over this prohibition without any difficulty if, as they claim, they also possess the wisdom to lead mankind. Discontinuing the production of all instruments of war will not only do away at least with the mass killings by ingenious weapons but will also release some tremendous productive forces for international aid without lowering the standard of living in the corresponding countries.
Second, through the use of these productive forces as well as by additional well-planned and sincerely intended measures, the underdeveloped nations must be aided to arrive as quickly as possible at a good (not luxurious) life. Both ends of the spectrum must effectively participate in the efforts required by this transformation and accept the necessity of a radical change in their polarized outlooks on life.[72]
Third, mankind should gradually lower its population to a level that could be adequately fed only by organic agriculture.[73] Naturally, the nations now experiencing a very high demographic growth will have to strive hard for the most rapid possible results in that direction.
Fourth, until either the direct use of solar energy becomes a general convenience or controlled fusion is achieved, all waste of energy – by overheating, overcooling, overspeeding, overlighting, et cetera – should be carefully avoided, and if necessary, strictly regulated.
Fifth, we must cure ourselves of the morbid craving for extravagant gadgetry, splendidly illustrated by such a contradictory item as the golf cart, and for such mammoth splendors as two-garage cars. Once we do so, manufacturers will have to stop manufacturing such "commodities".
Sixth, we must also get rid of fashion, of "that disease of the human mind", as Abbot Fernando Galliani characterized it in his celebrated Della Moneta (1750). It is indeed a disease of the mind to throw away a coat or a piece of furniture while it can still perform its specific service. To get a "new" car every year and to refashion the house every other is a bioeconomic crime. Other writers have already proposed that goods be manufactured in such a way as to be more durable.[74] But it is even more important that consumers should reeducate themselves to despise fashion. Manufacturers will then have to focus on durability.
Seventh, and closely related to the preceding point, is the necessity that durable goods be made still more durable by being designed so as to be repairable. (To put it in a plastic analogy, in many cases nowadays, we have to throw away a pair of shoes merely because one lace has broken.)
Eighth, in a compelling harmony with all the above thoughts we should cure ourselves of what I have been calling "the circumdrome of the shaving machine", which is to shave oneself faster so as to have more time to work on a machine that shaves faster so as to have more time to work on a machine that shaves still faster, and so on ad infinitum. This change will call for a great deal of recanting on the part of all those professions which have lured man into this empty infinite regress. We must come to realize that an important prerequisite for a good life is a substantial amount of leisure spent in an intelligent manner.
Considered on paper, in the abstract, the foregoing recommendations would on the whole seem reasonable to anyone willing to examine the logic on which they rest. But one thought has persisted in my mind ever since I became interested in the entropic nature of the economic process. Will mankind listen to any program that implies a constriction of its addiction to exosomatic comfort? Perhaps the destiny of man is to have a short but fiery, exciting, and extravagant life rather than a long, uneventful, and vegetative existence. Let other species – the amoebas, for example – which have no spiritual ambitions inherit an earth still bathed in plenty of sunshine.
Notes
References
It is common to think that social capital is everything related to any kind of human interaction, but actually that is the work of sociology. If we look for a definition of sociology, we can find that it is the “science of society, social institutions, and social relationships, and specifically the systematic study of the development, structure, interaction, and collective behavior of organized human groups”.[1] If we look for a definition of social capital there is not one yet in the encyclopedia, but sociology and social capital are not the same thing.
According to Alejandro Portes, Professor of Sociology at Princeton University, “the concept of social capital has become one of the most popular exports from sociological theory into everyday language … but despite its current popularity, the term does not embody any idea really new to sociologists”.[2]
The first author referring to social capital in the academic literature was L.J. Hanifan who working on rural school community center provided the following statement "…In the use of phrase social capital I make no reference to the usual acceptation of the term capital, except in a figurative sense. I do not refer to real estate, or to personal property or to cold cash but rather to that in life which tends to make these tangible substances count for most in the daily lives of a people, namely, goodwill, fellowship, mutual sympathy and social intercourse among group of individuals and families who make up a social unity…”.[3] Many years later, the term social capital concept indeed acquired the feature of capital, as any other type of capital: human, build, financial.
The development of the social capital as a capital started in the 1970s by a French sociologist, Pierre Bourdieu, who explained the benefits obtained by individuals as a result of participation in groups and on the intentional construction of sociability for the purpose of creating the resource; Bourdieu explained that social networks are not a natural given and must be constructed through investment strategies and usable as a source of benefits; he explains for instance that social relationships may allow individuals to claim access to resources possessed by their associates. He defined the concept as “the aggregate of the actual or potential resources which are linked to possession of a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance or recognition”[4]. But being this a French written work did not have the proper impact on the social research world. Other influential contributor to the concept of social capital is the economist, Glen Loury, who also in the 1970s and 1980s, approached to the concept while researching on racial income inequalities. He argued that economic theories were too individualistic, focusing exclusively on individual human capital and on the creation of a level field for competition based on such skills, and particularly he said that “… in a free society, each individual will rise to the level justified by his or her competence conflicts with the observation that no one travels that road entirely alone. The social context within which individual maturation occurs strongly conditions what otherwise equally competent individuals can achieve”[5]. He introduced the social sphere to the economics studies to be considered as an asset itself.
The most developed concept about social capital can be found in the work of James Coleman. The above mentioned authors were one a sociologist and other an economist, and what Coleman did was to build a concept upon both disciplines. Coleman became the most recognized author for introducing the concept of Social Capital to the recent literature through his work “Social Capital in the Creation of Human Capital”.[6]
Coleman states that there are two broad intellectual fields contributing in the description and explanation of social action: the first is the sociology, which sees the actor as socialized and action as governed by social norms, rules, and obligations. The contribution of this field is to analyze action in social context and to explain the way action is shaped, constrained, and redirected by the social context; the second field is the economics, which sees the actor as having goals independently arrived at, as acting independently, and as wholly self-interested. Its principal approach lies in having as a principle of action the maximizing utility.
Coleman highlights that sociology tends to consider the individual as shaped by the environment, with no internal mechanism of action that gives the actor a purpose or direction. On the other hand, he refers to economics rationales such as that persons' actions are shaped, redirected, constrained by the social context, where norms, interpersonal trust, social networks, and social organization are important in the functioning of the economy. Coleman complements his work referring to sociologist Granovetter‘s arguments about the failure of economics in recognizing the importance of concrete personal relations and networks of relations- what he calls "embeddedness"- in generating trust, in establishing expectations, and in creating and enforcing norms; he also refers to the work developed by economists, as Yoram-Ben-Porath, which argues that families, friends, and firms (called F-connection) affect economic exchange.
Coleman introduces the concept of Social Capital as one that accepts the principle of rational or purposive action which in conjunction with particular social contexts, can account not only for the actions of individuals in particular contexts but also for the development of social organization. In other words, under the theory of rational action, in which each actor has control over certain resources and interests in certain resources and events, then social capital constitutes a particular kind of resource available to an actor. Like physical capital and human capital, social capital is productive, making possible the achievement of certain ends that in its absence would not be possible.
What Coleman explains is that “just as physical capital is created by changes in materials to form tools that facilitate production, human capital is created by changes in persons that bring about skills and capabilities that make them able to act in new ways. Social capital, however, comes about through changes in the relations among persons that facilitate action. If physical capital is wholly tangible, being embodied in observable material form, and human capital is less tangible, being embodied in the skills and knowledge acquired by an individual, social capital is less tangible yet, for it exists in the relations among persons”. In addition, Coleman mentions the characteristics of different capitals in terms of property rights, he says that physical capital is normally a private good, making possible for the person who invests in physical capital to capture the benefits it produces; in the case of human capital the person who invests the time and resources in building up this capital obtains its benefits in the form of a “higher-paying job, more satisfying or higher-status work, or even the pleasure of greater understanding of the surrounding world”; but in the case of social capital, it has a public good aspect where the actor or actors who generate social capital generally capture only a small part of its benefits, a fact that according to the author may cause to underinvestment in social capital. Other authors explained that social capital is not strictly a public good because, although there is a principle of generalized reciprocity in some of its forms individual consumers can be excluded from a source of supply; and in addition, we find that “whereas a resource obtained by the use of social capital may exist independently, these acts cannot be owned by any individual and truly exist only within relationships”.[7]
In summary, after Coleman’s work is that we can refer to social relationships as an asset that can be increased or diminished according to individual needs for collective actions. The ongoing literature on social capital is providing to researchers more detail on how to analyze this concept and possible methods to measure it.
Probably each author working on social capital can formulate his own definition according to the scope of his research, but there are some definitions already well accepted and used by several authors.
Robert Putnam is also well known author for his work in analyzing the trends of social capital in United States, in his publication called “Bowling Alone: America's Declining Social Capital”, he provides the following definition: “social capital refers to features of social organization such as networks, norms, and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit”.[8] Providing further detail, in his work of 2000 Putnam makes the most detailed case for the contribution of social capital in human life, arguing that it makes people happier, more secure, more prosperous, and better governed.[9]
One of the preferred definitions used by authors is the one provided by the World Bank where “social capital refers to the institutions, relationships, and norms that shape the quality and quantity of a society's social interactions … social capital is not just the sum of the institutions which underpin a society – it is the glue that holds them together” (emphasis added).[10]
The social capital has different levels of analysis, since we can refer to it as a merely social interaction to the creation of institutions. In my opinion, the first is the individual level, since several studies take into account the time spent by individuals to socialize, either to visit friends and family or to participate in groups as a way to increase social capital among individuals and also because the impact is on individual well-being related to health, happiness, safety, education, among others.[11] The next is the family level, given that marriage is the smallest and most important social cell in a community and it has always been seen as a positive way to achieve well being, some authors consider that people are more integrated to society if they are married, increasing their opportunities to experiment health and happiness, as well as a way to provide better opportunities to next generations, the main contributor to social capital from this level is household labor. The third is the community level, where either individuals or married people can participate in a community dynamic through the formation of groups and creation of rules, norms and institutions to reach common goals.[12][13] This last level of analysis can be addressed by using either Putnam’s or the World Bank’s definition of social capital, which focuses more on the impacts at community and national levels.
There are other specifications of social capital analysis that are worthy to mention. The concept of community of place refers to social relationships based on residence in a particular locality; and community of interest refers to social relationships based on a common set of interest. We can analyze the social dynamics either at a specific place at any scale (watershed, city, neighborhood, etc.) where people live or by looking specific topics around which people interact (e.g. international association of ecological economists who exchange ideas and information through internet or annual meetings).
Other important consideration when analyzing the social capital is the using of bonding and bridging concepts.[14] Bonding capital refers to bringing people together who already now each other with the objective to strengthen the relationship that already exists. The similar backgrounds can be on class, ethnicity, kinship, gender or similar social characteristics. Bridging capital refers to bringing together people or groups who did not previously know each other with the objective to establish new social ties and networks. It connects diverse groups within the community to each other and to groups outside the community.
Probably the author measuring social capital at a broad extent is Robert Putnam. The author has worked on social capital as synonym of civic engagement. He describes his work as the study of that social connections and civic engagement that influence the public life in the United States, as the starting point for an empirical survey of trends in social capital in the contemporary America. He created an Index according to the available data, measuring the following variables:
Putnam used data from archives, census and surveys. He was even able to map the results by states in the country (Figure 1):
The World Bank has developed an extensive survey and applied it to different countries to measure social capital.[15] Through this instrument they obtain information on group memberships, or structural dimensions; and subjective perceptions of trust and norms, or cognitive dimension of social capital.
The questionnaire aims to obtain information on six major topics:
Other recognized author in measurement of social capital is William M. Rohe, professor of city and regional planning and the director of the Center for Urban and Regional Studies at The University of North Carolina, who suggests that any measure of social capital needs to include assessments of the four key elements:
a) it must assess the level of community engagement
b) it must gauge the characteristics of local social networks
c) it must assess levels of trust among community members
d) it must assess the extent and effectiveness of community organizational infrastructure
According to Rohe, when measuring engagement, it is important to make distinctions between horizontal and vertical engagement. Measuring social network characteristics among residents of a community is possibly the most difficult to accomplish, but it will tell a lot about communication flows in the community. Trust levels should be assessed within and among the various groups involved in community development work, including residents, local neighborhood organizations, nonprofit organizations, city agencies, etc. Finally, to assess the strength of social capital, it is needed to know about the community's institutional infrastructure. This will provide information about the degree to which local residents have been able to create organizations through which their collective goals can be accomplished.
Rohe argues that the most rigorous approach to measuring social capital would involve a combination of resident and organizational surveys, along with qualitative interviewing of key actors in a community. Once these data are collected, they should be used to create a series of indices. If the resources are not available to conduct the surveys, interviews of a wide range of key informants could be used to assess the various components of social capital qualitatively.
The previous descriptions of methods to measure social capital were more qualitative than quantitative. Being part of the world of ecological economics, I would like to mention the efforts to measure social capital with quantitative methods. For instance, when estimating the Genuine Progress Indicator (GPI) some variables are considered as part of the social capital of the community under analysis and statistical data is mainly used for the measurement.
When measuring the GPI for a certain community several variables are consider as social capital:[16]
Number 1) can be analyzed as community level, using statistical data on the number of crimes and the economic cost of losses and expenses to protect against crime; numbers 2) and 5) can be analyzed as family level, using data on number of divorces and the estimated economic costs for the family members, as well as the economic value of hours spend as household labor ; numbers 3), 4) and 6) can be analyzed as individual level, using data on use of time and the economic costs of losing leisure time or for not working the desired time, the same for value of hours spent in volunteering work. The economic costs, from these and other variables related to human, built and natural capital) are either subtracted or added to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) as a way to estimate the progress in a broader way than only on production terms.
This xeric ecoregion, located between China's Kunlun and Tian Shan Mountains, is the largest desert in China. The world's largest shifting-sand desert, eighty-five percent of this ecoregion consists of sand dunes that support very little or no vegetation. There is little biodiversity in such a harsh environment, yet such mammals as the wild Bactrian camel (Camelus ferus) and Asian wild ass (Equus hemionus) manage to persist. Unusable as farmland for humans, the Taklimakan desert remains very much intact, although a history of nuclear testing in Lop Nor represents a considerable threat.
The Taklimakan is China's largest, driest, and warmest desert. It fills the expansive Tarim Basin between the Kunlun Mountains and the Tibet Plateau to the south and the Tian Shan (Celestial Mountains) to the north. Located farther from the ocean than almost any place on Earth, this region is completely cut off from the effects of the Asian monsoon. Arctic storms from the north are also blocked by the encircling mountains. Because the basin lacks drainage, salt has accumulated over large areas. The Taklimakan is also known as one of the world's largest shifting-sand deserts. Fully 85 percent of the total area consists of mobile, crescent-shaped sand dunes that may reach a height of 100 to 200 meters (m) and are virtually devoid of vegetation.
On the alluvial fans that spread outward from the foot of the mountains to the floor of the basin, perennial freshwater springs are fed by mountain snowmelt. The Tarim River also flows across the basin from west-to-east. In these places, the oases created by fresh surface water support a distinct ecoregion, the Tarim Basin Deciduous Forest.
A transect through the Tarim Basin from high mountain slopes to the edge of the desert reveals a distinctive sequence of landforms. Higher on the slopes, exposed surfaces are denudational: they are sculpted by the removal of material through wind and water erosion. Basin landscapes are depositional: they consist of gravel, sand, silt, or clay, depending on the velocity of the water transporting material to the site. The floor of the basin includes large expanses of water or wind-deposited sand. Toward the margin, this sand is fixed and stable. Closer to the middle, it consists of unconsolidated, shifting dunes. Among the dunes are areas of salt marsh and salt flats that may be sporadically inundated. The lowest point in the Tarim Basin is 154 m below sea level.
Diurnal and seasonal temperature variations are both severe in this arid, continental basin. Day and night temperatures may differ by 20°C. Winter-summer temperatures may differ by 30°C. The overall climate, however, is warmer here than the other desert regions of China due to lower latitude and low elevation. In the center of the basin, precipitation is scant: less than 10 millimeters (mm) per year. But this increases to about 100 mm per year at the foot of the mountains and may reach 400 to 800 mm per year on the upper slopes above 3,000 m elevation which are high enough to intercept arctic storms during winter. The presence of an adequate snowpack in the high mountains explains the large oases in the basin. These once supported deciduous poplar forest, but today they have been converted to irrigated agriculture.
Most of the Tarim Basin, including the Taklimakan Desert, consists of shifting sand with virtually no vegetation. When sand movement slows, dunes may be colonized by such plant species as Alhagi sparsifolia, Scorzonera divaricata, and Karelina caspica. Peripheral areas consist of more stable gravel substrates where vegetation cover may approach 5 percent. Dominant plant species here include the shrubs Ephedra przewalskii and Nitraria sphaerocarpus, although today the vegetation of the Tarim Basin is extremely depauperate. The northern margin of the Taklimakan Desert, and areas at the periphery of the Tarim River riparian zone, support steppe vegetation dominated by saxaul (Haloxylon spp.) together with other salt-tolerant shrubs.
Partly because it is so inhospitable to humans, the Taklimakan Desert continues to support small populations of animals like wild Bactrian camels (Camelus ferus) and Asian wild asses (Equus hemionus) that have been extirpated in other parts of China.
All of the 500 Bactrian camels that survive in the wild in China inhabit the Taklimakan, mostly in the area to the east of the (now dry) Lop Nor Lake. Arjin Shan Wild Camel Nature Reserve (15,125 square kilometers (km2) has been mapped to conserve habitat for this species, but the wild camels are still thought to be in a state of decline. An extension of Arjin Shan Nature Reserve is located at higher elevation in the basins of the Kunlun Mountains to the south. If these two large protected areas are managed successfully, they will be valuable for desert conservation in China. A roughly equal number of wild Bactrian camels occur in Great Gobi National Park in Mongolia.
Resource problems include the history of nuclear testing in Lop Nor and declining air quality as wind blows dust from lakes that have become dry due to irrigation. On April 15th, 1998, a dust storm in western China produced a huge atmospheric dust cloud that was transported across the Pacific Ocean and caused elevated aerosol concentrations 10 days later over the Pacific Coast of North America.
Further population increases due to translocation of people from eastern China threatens the existing oases because this water is used to expand crop irrigation.
The wild camel gene pool could be threatened by interbreeding with domestic camels which are abundant in many areas of the Tarim Basin. Strategies to promote gene flow between the Chinese and Mongolian wild camel populations could be pursued if, in fact, these populations had interbred in recent historic time.
The ecoregion boundary is based on the CVMCC Vegetation Map of China classes desert steppe, shrubby, and rocky desert with sand dunes, saline soil, and sparsely vegetated areas as dominant land cover. This is comparable to the Tarim Basin biogeographic subunit in the Takla-Makan-Gobi Desert.
St. Lucia, located at latitude 13° 50′ N and longitude 60° 59′ W, is the second largest of the Windward Islands with an area of 616 square kilometers (km2). The island is 42 kilometers (km) long and 22 km wide with a very irregular, steep terrain especially in its interior, which rises to a height of 950 meters (m). The island boasts very fertile volcanic soils but, due mainly to topographic constraints, only 28% (17,360 ha) of the total land area has been classified as suitable for agriculture. According to the 1996 Agricultural Census, 15,784 hectares (ha) are under cultivation, of which approximately 12% are under temporary and fallow cropping, and the remainder, some 13,945 ha, is under permanent crops.
The island's population was estimated at 146,000 inhabitants in 1997 (a density of 235 inhabitants/km2), of which 62.3% was rural population. The population has experienced a growth rate of 1.3% in the 1990-97 period. As agricultural land availability continues to decline, so too has the number of permanent agricultural workers decreased from 16% of the employed population in 1986 to 13% in 1996. Notwithstanding this reduction, agricultural production continues to be one of the most important economic activities in the country, accounting for 13% of the export, and more than 13% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) over the period 1985 to 1995. The banana industry is the most important contributor to agricultural GDP, accounting for more than 30% of export earnings in 1995.
St. Lucia has a tropical climate strongly influenced by its broken, rugged topography. Rainfall increases and temperature decreases with altitude, and the western side of the island experiences higher rainfall. Annual rainfall averages about 1,600 millimeters (mm) in the northern and southern extremities of the island to about 3,500 mm in the higher altitudes. The island experiences distinct rainy and dry seasons; the rainy season extends from June to December while February, March and April are the driest months.
The island is subdivided into 37 water catchments or river basins from which a number of perennial streams emanate. Though a hydrological network was installed in the mid-1980s, the water resources available from these surface sources have not been quantified.
A rapidly increasing population and growing tourism sector have resulted in significant increases in water consumption. This increased consumption has led to the commissioning in 1995 of a new water supply system to serve the northern half of the island. The main component of the system includes a 3.41 million cubic meters (m3) storage facility, designed to satisfy the demands for domestic, industrial, commercial, hotel, and institutional supply. Total rainy season production is approximately 41,000 m3 per day. It falls to 24,500 m3 per day in the dry season, when the Water and Sewerage Authority (WASA) has to resort to water rationing.
WASA operates approximately 32 small to medium water sources and 30 treatment plants. WASA reports indicate that the amount of water supplied annually is about 12.53 million m3, with 100% of the urban and 90% of the rural population having access to potable water. Attempts to develop groundwater for public supply have had very limited success on the island. A 1998 study on improved water supplies for the south of the island concluded that this source is unlikely to make a significant contribution except in small isolated rural communities through the use of hand pumps.
Agriculture in St. Lucia is in a transitional state after tropical storm Debbie hit the island in 1994. Development of the agricultural sector, propelled by preferential arrangements for the export of bananas, brought with it the development of more marginal lands in the upper catchment areas. This development has resulted in extensive denudation of these catchment areas and an attendant loss of vegetative cover on the steep slopes, an increase in the incidence of landslides, soil erosion, and siltation of drainage systems in the valley bottoms and ultimately, increased incidence of flash flooding. Banana is the primary crop grown in these valleys and because this crop does not tolerate waterlogging, farmers in the valley bottoms have over the years come to appreciate the need for proper in-field surface drainage. Contour drainage is also widely practiced on hillside farms. In all cases, drainage is designed for the discharge of stormwater runoff and not for excess irrigation application. While farmers are generally able to manage their in-field drainage systems, problems arise because the bed levels of streams and rivers, which serve as outlets to these systems, are getting increasingly silted.
During the period of the island's colonization, a number of aqueducts were built to serve the water needs of large estates in the important agricultural areas on the island. With the evolution of the banana industry, the larger estates were again quick to adopt the technology of the time and supplementary irrigation was applied utilizing large gun sprinklers. Very little attention was paid at the time to application and other irrigation efficiencies.
Currently, a fairly large and well managed irrigation system exists in Fond State, and is used to support the production of a wide range of crops, including bananas, pineapples, and vegetables. In addition, there is a centrally organized scheme in the Mabouya Valley and there are a few individual small farm systems. In total, about 297 ha are irrigated. Of that figure, 65% apply to five large holdings of more than 15 ha each. Methods of application include drip and sprinklers as well as flooding of field drains. Irrigated crops include bananas, vegetables, limited amounts of tree crops and some 65 ha of pasture. Details on actual amounts abstracted and other data on irrigated agriculture are not currently recorded and no further analysis is therefore possible.
A recent FAO "Prefeasibility Study on Small-Scale Irrigation" estimated that the investment cost for irrigation schemes ranges from 6,400 to 16,000 US$/ha (the higher cost refers to a gravity-fed system). Annual operating costs were estimated at 475 US$/ha for a typical sprinkler pumping scheme, with maintenance costs estimated at 125 US$/ha for the same scheme and 90 US$/ha for a gravity-fed scheme.
The island has had no experience to date of any of the adverse environmental effects of irrigation, as irrigation has never been a very widespread or intensive practice.
The Water and Sewerage Authority (WASA), a parastatal entity, is vested with the responsibility for water supply and sewerage on the entire island. While it is generally assumed otherwise, WASA has no legal rights to water over persons in possession of land riparian to a stream or above a groundwater source. Although the Water and Sewerage Authority Act requires WASA to "establish a hydrological network and carry out periodic water surveys", the Agricultural Engineering Services Division (AESD) of the Ministry of Agriculture has, over time, assumed this responsibility. The importance of hydrological data collection to the AESD grew out of its mandate within that Ministry to develop irrigation water supplies for farmers. Currently this Division is the only one providing support services to farmers in the area of irrigation system design and operation. It is, however, very poorly equipped with respect to the availability of trained personnel and is unable to provide the level of services required.
There are three main legal instruments of direct relevance to the island's water resources. They are the Land Conservation and Improvement Act No. 10 of 1992, the Forest, Soil and Water Ordinance No. 25 of 1945 and the Water and Sewerage Act (1984). A FAO study on small-scale irrigation, in reviewing these instruments, recommended that the Land Conservation and Improvement Act be reviewed and amended to accommodate changes undergone since its first enactment, and to accommodate provisions for "Rights on Water" and "Water Resources Planning". The study also recommended that land-use regulatory provisions of the Act be implemented to minimize the possibility of pollution due to drainage from irrigated fields.
More recently, the Government of Saint Lucia has taken the policy decision and action to transform WASA into a private corporate entity called WASCO. In this regard, new legislation has been enacted in the form of the Water and Sewerage Act (No. 13 of 1999). This Act has led to the appointment of the National Water and Sewerage Commission, which is to function primarily as the economic regulator.
The Watershed and Environmental Management Project completed in 1997 undertook a detailed examination of the issues involved in the management of the island's water resources. The report recommends a number of institutional and other essential changes for a more comprehensive and cohesive approach toward watershed management. Although to date none of these institutional changes has been made, there is growing recognition of the need for water resources planning and management at the national level. Within the agricultural sector, it is now understood that irrigation must be regarded as equal in importance to fertilizers and other such inputs. As competition increases among water users, it is important that farmers adopt methods which will increase irrigation efficiencies.
In order that the water resources of the country could be better managed, the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment is about to establish a Water Resources Unit to specifically address the issue of water for agriculture.